Stormy January of Liberation Competition

 

     Perhaps the most striking in this centuries-old struggle was the day of the National Liberation Competitions of 1917-1921, during which an independent Ukrainian state was to emerge as a result of the protracted struggle. During this short time, many heroic and significant, but painful and instructive events showed both selflessness and patriotism, as well as complexes of inferiority and immatureness of the national elite before making truly state decisions.  

     January is almost the most eventful of all these years. It was a hopeful event that forced Ukraine to complain about the lost lives of defenders and the lost chances of victory. 

 

     The end of 1917 – the beginning of 1918 was a time when the recently proclaimed Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) was to pass the first strength test. It became apparent that the Bolshevik coup in Petrograd and the government formed there headed by V. Ulyanov-Lenin were interested in the UNR only as a raw material base and a buffer zone between themselves and those forces that did not recognize the new power. That is why the Russian Bolsheviks demanded that the Central Rada recognize its superiority and subordination, formally recognizing even the very fact of the formation of the UNR and its right to self-determination. However, the Ukrainian politicians had a good sense not to respond to these provocations, because the leaders of the Central Rada – M. Hrushevskyi, V. Vynnychenko, S. Efremov and others – felt the support of the population, moreover – the Bolsheviks won elections to the Constituent Assembly only in Ukraine. 10% of the vote. All this allowed the Central Rada to reject the ultimatum signed by V. Ulyanov-Lenin. But it inevitably opened up the prospect of aggression from Russia. 

 

     During January 1918, the Bolsheviks began to intervene in the territory of the UNR, without encountering resistance from the Ukrainian authorities. This situation was made possible by the erroneous policy of the Central Soviets to form an armed or at least police force. The bid for a broad militia did not materialize, the reasons being the ruined economy during World War I and the lack of confidence of the peasants in their future. Support from the UNR from outside was also not sufficient – on January 3-4, it was recognized as a state by the representatives of the Central European states (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria), but no relevant agreement was concluded yet to give the young state adequate protection and military support.

 

     Therefore, it appeared, that no one could defend the capital of the UNR – the city of Kyiv. The real resistance was revealed by several hundred Junkers, cadets, and students who, at the Kruty station on January 16, 1918, entered into an unequal battle with the Bolshevik troops, greatly outnumbering them both in number and in arms. The nearby military units, commanded by S. Petliura, were called off to suppress the Bolshevik-inspired uprising at the Arsenal plant in Kyiv. For this reason, the Battle of Kruty became history as a sacrificial display of heroism on the one hand, and on the other – a testimony to the huge miscalculations of the leaders of the UNR and showed the beginning of the difficult and tragic path of the Liberation Competition, now in the dimension of open armed struggle against aggression.

 

      

 

     The Central Rada attempted to seize the initiative and on January 22, 1918 proclaimed its Fourth Universal, which made the UNR an independent state. However, these actions were already futile: the Bolshevik troops arrived in Kyiv a few days later, and the leaders of the Central Rada were forced to seek support for their return to power from outside Central European countries. Which, in return for military assistance, also saw Ukraine as a raw material base for the continuation of military confrontation in the First World War. Therefore, January 1918 became the first bell in the struggle for Ukraine's independence and counteracting efforts from outside to influence the will of the Ukrainian people to freedom and to determine their fate. Ahead is the first experiment with the Bolsheviks coming to power, their expulsion, and the attempt to stabilize the Ukrainian authorities through the formation of General P. Skoropadskyi's hetmanate, the anti-hetman uprising and the return of the UPR under the direction of the Directory. 

 

 

     January, 1919, became crucial for Ukraine. One of the main priorities of the Directory's activities was the attempt to restore the unity of ethnic Ukrainian lands, all the more so because all the conditions were created. On the lands that were part of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, a national uprising took place and a Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR) was created, which almost immediately declared its desire to become part of a united Ukrainian state. 

 

     The rapid negotiations between the two Ukrainian governments led to significant results: On January 22, 1919, the UNR and WUPR Union Act was signed in Kyiv on the Sofiivska Square, which sanctified the desire of residents of almost all Ukrainian ethnic territories to live together in a free and democratic country. In fact, it was the first real attempt to put an end to the unification of the absolute amount of Ukrainian land under a single state roof. Today we celebrate the importance of this state act – the celebration of the Day of Unification of Ukraine, which reminds us of the invariability and self-worth of the unity of the state for the present.

 

     But against the background of such a huge uplift, the external conditions were not in favour of Ukrainian statehood. Almost immediately, they began to act against forces that were hostile to both Ukraine and each other. From the west – the troops of Poland and Romania, from the south – supported by the British and French troops, representatives of the "Forces of the south of Russia", from the east – again the Bolsheviks – began each their own game, which first envisaged the destruction of independent Ukraine, and then – to clarify relations among themselves in its territory. Ukraine is at the height of the tragedy of revolution, civil war and strife. January 1919, which gave hope for unity and victory, was replaced by a fierce one that opened the fight for extermination and fraternity. Externally, including due to the weakness of Ukrainian diplomacy and constant military setbacks, Ukraine was unable to gain support – and remained superfluous when summarizing the First World War.  

 

     These tumultuous events are not just an occasion to recall again the negative experiences and miscalculations of the past. This is, first of all, a very important reminder of the need for vigilance now, when external factors are once again at the barrier of Ukraine's independence and development, which, unfortunately, are powerful enough, if not more powerful. 

 

     But the sniper's weapons and bullets can only be countered by only one thing – the unity and understanding that there is no other way than simply maintaining our own statehood. That is why today, on the Communion Day, we all need to be mindful of this, but also with real action, support the army, and volunteer groups, to contribute to Ukraine's victory and its worthy path to it future in the world.